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Translated title of the contribution: Revisiting Top-Down Primary Stress

Research output: Contribution to journalReview articlepeer-review

Abstract

Metrical theory recognizes differences between primary and non-primary stresses, sometimes within the same language. In serial theories, this has often led to a parametric approach in derivation: Some languages are 'top-down', with the primary stress assigned first, while other languages are 'bottom-up', where foot construction precedes primary stress placement. This paper examines two languages (Cahuilla and Yine) that have be treated as 'top-down' in rule-based metrical theory, and it shows that neither requires a top-down analysis in Harmonic Serialism, a derivational version of Optimality Theory. On the basis of these case studies it is argued that the common, intuitive notion of what makes a language 'top-down'-a primary stress's independence from non-primary stresses-is oversimplified. The case studies reveal the importance of theoretical framework and typological predictions in establishing the order of primary and non-primary stress assignment. The argument culminates in a concise statement of Harmonic Serialism-specific criteria for establishing that a top-down derivation is required.

Translated title of the contributionRevisiting Top-Down Primary Stress
Original languageCatalan
Pages (from-to)41-77
Number of pages37
JournalCatalan Journal of Linguistics
Volume18
DOIs
StatePublished - 2019
Externally publishedYes

Keywords

  • Bottom-up
  • Harmonic serialism
  • Metrical theory
  • Primary stress
  • Top-down

ASJC Scopus subject areas

  • Language and Linguistics
  • Linguistics and Language

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